Every human being on God's good earth today is simultaneously endowed with three inter-locking nationalities. The first is the Ethnic Nationality into which one is born and, in most cases, bred with natural distinguishing characteristics and primary communication mode such as language. In this category falls the Igbo, Hausa, Fulani,Yoruba, Ijaw, Nupe, Kanuri, Tiv, Berber; Amharic, Tigrinya, Ashanti, Kikuyu, Luo, Shona, Ndebele, Zulu, Czech, Slovak, Serb, Croat, English, Scottish and Welsh among a myriad of ethnic nationalities world-wide.

The second is the Nation State or Country, resulting from a political arrangement at a point in history, usually bringing a number of ethnic nations together by force in most cases, to form a country. In this category falls Nigeria, Egypt, Sudan, Tanzania, South Africa, Ghana, Senegal, France, United Kingdom, China, India, Canada and the United States of America.

The third is the Continental Nation, grouping various ethnic and nation states to form the African, Asiatic and the European nations. Each citizen of today's world belongs concomitantly to these three national definitions. I am therefore proudly an Igbo, a Nigerian and an African. Thus, the ethnic unit is the original building blockthe basic infrastructure whose solidity determines the eventual soundness and stability of the country and continental super structures. Thus for our country, Nigeria, the ethnic nation is the nursery and primary school for the upbringing of good citizens imbued with the cherished, time-honoured traditional values of respect for the elders in the family, law and order in the community, integrity as a virtue and a cultivated predisposition to serve the community dutifully and selflessly.

For our country, with its colonial stamp of "made in England", the three hundred odd ethnic and sub-ethnic units in this land have good cause to thank God for the astonishing abundance of human and material resources bestowed on us. We are still in the process of nation building, struggling to blend together and harmonise our various traditions, customs and cultures. Although, this is by all accounts a herculean task, it is both achievable and supremely worthwhile, as a successful fusion of so many valuable elements is bound to bring forth a unique socio-economic product that could astound the world.

This was, indeed, the focus of the vision of Nigeria's founding fathers that we must keep constantly in view. The recognition of the significance of ethnicity was clear at the birth of an independent Nigeria in 1960. The larger ethnic units of Hausa/Fulani-Igbo- Yoruba formed the basis of the three Regions North-East-West. Ethno-based agitations sprouted in the three Regions. These include the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) Movement in the North, Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers (COR) State Movement in the East and the Midwest Movement in the West.

The current concept of six geo-political zones is ethically based, with three zones accorded to the larger ethnic groups and, to balance them out, three also to a conglomerate of the smaller ethnic units.    The simple lesson from this arrangement is that the ethnic units are recognised and adopted as the building blocks in the on-going construction work and nation building process in Nigeria. In our socio-political and economic intercourse, all ethnic units (big or small) must be allowed free-play and equitable access to our country's resources. The stability of our country can be affected positively or otherwise by the perception of these various ethnic units as to their rights and fair share of the proverbial 'national cake'.

Sustained inequity could conceivably induce in those units aggrieved a rethink of the value to them of unity, which otherwise we all so much cherish and are anxious to preserve. The break-up of countries, some very powerful and prosperous, like the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, took place along ethnic lines. They are examples that we must eschew in Africa, already over-fragmented.

It is in the light of the supreme importance of sustainable unity in our country that I would like us all to recall and retain in our minds the preponderant contribution of the Igbo Nation to the quest for unity in Nigeria's nation building enterprise.

Political Marginalisation

Today, there is the feeling that the Igbos, as a people, are being deliberately sidelined, especially in the sphere of political leadership of the country. No Igbo person is deemed good enough or trusted enough to be put at the helm of affairs, at the apex management position of Nigeria. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria's pioneer titular head of state, took a shot at the real thing the executive presidency, in 1979 and 1983.ln spite of his nationally acknowledged role as the foremost crusader for our nation's independence, he scored abysmally in both electoral tests. Dr. Alex Ekwueme fared no better, even as he teamed up with a scion of the northern oligarchy Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Their joint ticket under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) won the presidential slot in the successive elections of 1979 and 1983.

Like today's Peoples Democratic Party (POP), the NPN was the dominant political party at the time. Securing its presidential candidate's nomination was as good as clinching the presidential position. Dr. Ekweme was poised to replace Shagari at the impending end of his second tenure, as the party's flag bearer come the next election. He was eminently qualified and was favoured by Shagari himself for the presidential job ahead. He had to be stopped, hence,the coup of 31 st December 1983, which traded in the remaining three years and nine months of Shagari's second and final term, with all its democratic restrictions, for an eventual collective northern rule of some fourteen years of absolute power, under the successive military governments of Buhari, Babangida and Abacha. Indeed, Alhaji Umaru Dikko, former Transport Minister in Shagari's administration said this much in an interview he gave in London, before his attempted kidnapping, commando style, drugged and gagged in a cage loaded as cargo aboard a plane bound for Nigeria, on the presumed orders of an embarrassed and angry Buhari-Idiagbon government. Subsequent revelations by former senior northern military officers have since confirmed Umaru Dikko's candid assertion.

This event denied Ndigbo, perhaps the largest ethnic group in Nigeria, their 'federal character' chance of producing an executive president and their constitutional right to exercise presidential powers for a possible eight-year period of two terms. This callous and contemptuous treatment meted out to Ndigbo is in clear and cruel contrast with the compassionate concession, massively supported by Ndigbo, given to the Yorubas in 1999 to field the two Olus, Falae and Obasanjo for the presumed presidential slot missed by their kinsman, Chief M.K.O Abiola, in 1993. Surely, what is considered political sauce for the aggrieved Yoruba goose, and rightly so, should equally be tendered to the politically famished Igbo gander.

In the thirty odd years of military rule of our country, apart from the six months stint of General Aguiyi Ironsi, who was officially and formally invited by the civilian remnant of the toppled Balewa Administration to assume office as head of state in January 1966, the closest an Igbo officer got to governance was the appointment of Navy Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe as his second in command by the then military president Ibrahim Babangida in 1985. He was summarily removed in humiliating circumstances early in the life of that Administration.

Sometimes, too much is being simplistically made of random appointment of talented Igbo technocrats to high profile positions, where demonstrable competence is usually required to tackle certain specific and difficult national tasks. What has been critically absent for decades, and still missing today, is fair and effective Igbo participation in the national decision-making process, which is entirely political. Appointees, no matter how highly positioned, only implement decisions already packaged and handed down to them. They are hired and fired at will. Considering their manifest multi-faceted contribution to Nigeria's political and economic development, Ndigbo deserve better than political crumbs from the master's table.

At the current foundation laying stage of our national development, control of vital decision-making positions and organs easily determines who gets what. If at this critical stage in our nation building enterprise, the Igbos continue to be excluded from such positions, in this case, by discernable design, then no matter how much they struggle, their political marginalization, with all its negative consequences "'will endure. No doubt, the Igbo people themselves have their share of the blame in this unsavoury saga, especially given the individualistic and blindly opportunistic attitude of some Igbo politicians, scrambling for the crumbs of public office in total disregard of legitimate Igbo collective interest within the Nigerian family.

The perceived overall aggressiveness of the Igbos in social and business intercourse creates fright among their competitors who tend to gang up against them. However; the core problem for the Igbos today is clearly traceable to the immediate events that preceded the civil war, 1967-70. The military coup of January 1966 is central to it all. It created fear and distrust of the Igbos that are yet to be purged from the national political system. It is for this reason that I have chosen to base my talk today on the central theme, 'Ndigbo: Nigeria's Nation Builders' in order to highlight the enormous contribution of Ndigbo to the building and sustenance of the Nigeria project.

Nation Builders

Igbo political role in Nigeria has been consistent in the pursuit of national unity and inter-ethnic cooperation. Under the leadership of the late Owelle of Onitsha, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Igbos played the role of bridge builders in the fledgling Nigerian nation. Zik, as he was fondly called, accepted the leadership of the legendary Yoruba political activist, Herbert Babington Macauley to form and direct the first truly significant national political party National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC). With respected and nationalist Yoruba leaders like Dr. Ibiyinka Olorun-Nimbe, the first and only Mayor of Lagos, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi,the first national vice-president of the NCNC and second indigenous Governor of Western Region, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, the lion of Ibadan politics,and others including Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, Chief Mojeed Agbaje and Otumba T.O.S. Benson, the then Igbo leadership forged a political alliance which cut across ethnic boundaries. Such was the extent of their success that Zik was poised, after the regional election of 1951, but for a last minute hitch, to become the premier of the Western Region, the home ground of the Yoruba nation. The party which he led, the NCNC and its allies won a majority of seats in the Western House of Assembly. In the Eastern Region, the Igbo-dominated NCNC, true to its pan-Nigerian orientation and commitment, elected as the first mayor of Enugu metropolis, Mallam UmoruAltini,a moslem from Katsina in Northern Nigeria.

Again, in 1957 when the British Colonial Government, under intense pressure from Southern politicians pressing for independence, attempted to uncouple the union between the North. and the South, forged through Lord Lugard's Amalgamation of 1914, with the offer of Independence to the three Regions individually, provided any two accepted the offer; a political crisis loomed large on the national horizon. The Northern Region, led by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) took the position that the North was not ready for that level of political and economic independence. The Western Region, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo's Action Group (AG) promptly declared its readiness to accept the offer. It was the Igbo-Ied NCNC that held the balance. It was an issue that could make or break Nigeria, if Ndigbo Nigeria's Nation Builders the three Regions chose to go their separate ways to Independence.

The NCNC leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, took the stand that although the Eastern Region was ready to assume the responsibilities of Regional Independence, its attainment without the North would lead, in his own words, to the "Balkanization of the Nigerian Nation" and conceivably a break-up of the country. The Eastern Region would rather suppress it's appetite for Independence and the obvious gains it would entail until the Northern Region was ready.That was how Nigerian Independence was delayed until 1960. In short, the Igbo-Ied Eastern Region would rather forgo the advancement of its own political and economic interests than risk the break-up of Nigeria.

•Amb. Raph Uwechue OFR is President General Ohaneze Ndigbo